“But if the watchman see the sword come, and blow not the trumpet, and the people be not warned;

if the sword come, and take any person from among them, he is taken away in his iniquity;

but his blood will I require at the watchman's hand."

Ezekiel 33:6

"A righteous man falling down before the wicked is as a troubled fountain, and a corrupt spring."

Proverbs 25:26

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .



If November 2nd was only the beginning, it is incumbent upon us to hold these Senators accountable for their votes!

Protecting the American people and their rights are just two of the LEGITIMATE rolls of the Federal Government that has been neglected by the ratification of the START treaty!


"Bad officials are elected by good citizens who do not vote."
- George Jean Nathan

"All that is necessary for the triumph of evil, is for good men to do nothing." - Edmund Burke

(Informative articles and videos posted below)

Senate votes to move nuclear arms treaty forward

by David Lightman and William Douglas
Obama and his national security team personally lobbied lawmakers right up to the vote. Among those getting lots of attention was Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska.

She described the president's one-on-one approach as relatively "benign." He asked her during a brief phone call to consider the issue on its merits, Murkowski said. She described information she got from military leaders as more persuasive.

Murkowski also spoke to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Vice President Joe Biden to assuage her concerns. She acknowledged she was looking at the treaty from a more "parochial lens" as a senator from Alaska, particularly its potential impact on the missile defense program at Alaska's Fort Greely.

Murkowski voted to cut off debate. She was joined by a string of Republicans who came to the Senate floor one by one to announce that they'd go along despite the stout opposition of the GOP's top two Senate leaders, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and Minority Whip Jon Kyl of Arizona.

Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., the Senate's third-ranking Republican, voted with the majority, saying he did so because the treaty "leaves our country with enough nuclear warheads to blow any attacker to kingdom come, and because the president has committed to an $85 billion, 10-year plan to make sure that those weapons work."

Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn., also joined the supporters.
"I firmly believe that signing this treaty, that ratifying this treaty, and all the things we've done over the course of time as a result of this treaty, is in our country's national interest," he said.
Sen. George Voinovich, R-Ohio, offered a bipartisan plea.
"Support for the treaty should not be viewed through the lens of being liberal or conservative, Republican or Democrat," he said, "but rather what is in the best interests of our national security, the best interests of the United States of America."

Other Republicans, though, contended that the treaty would hamstring American efforts to develop a missile defense system that would sufficiently protect the United States and its allies. Defense Secretary Robert Gates and other military officials dispute that. Five secretaries of state for former Republican presidents have endorsed the treaty.

Republican opponents also argued that the treaty makes it too easy for Russia to cheat, but its defenders said one of its primary virtues is that it restores inspection of Russian arsenals after a year-long suspension that has worried U.S. intelligence officials.

The new inspection system would be more intrusive than the regime that ended last year. Among other measures, U.S. and Russian experts will be allowed for the first time to look inside the other's missiles and count the number of warheads they carry.

The treaty would limit the U.S. and Russia to deploying no more than 1,550 strategic nuclear warheads on 700 strategic bombers, intercontinental ballistic missiles and submarine-launched missiles by the end of seven years.

The new limit represents about a 30 percent drop from the limit of 2,200 set in a 2002 treaty that will expire at the end of 2012.
Obama sent letters to four senators - Alexander and Sen. Thad Cochran, R-Miss., and Democrats Dianne Feinstein of California and Daniel Inouye of Hawaii - reaffirming his commitment to keeping the U.S.'s nuclear weapons complex modernized.

He noted that he requested a 10 percent increase in the budget for weapons activities at the National Nuclear Security Administration.
"I recognize that nuclear modernization requires investment for the long-term, in addition to this one-year budget increase," Obama wrote. "That is my commitment to the Congress - my administration will pursue these programs and capabilities for as long as I am president."

Obama also stressed in the letters that Russia is working with the U.S. to respond to international concerns about North Korea, underscoring the value of keeping the U.S.-Russian relationship on good terms.

"Because of important cooperation like this, I continue to hope that the Senate will approve the New START Treaty before the 111th Congress ends," the president wrote.

Senate approval of the U.S.-Russia nuclear arms treaty was assured, as enough Republicans joined Democrats Tuesday in a test vote to put President Barack Obama on the brink of a major foreign policy triumph.

The Senate voted 67-28 to cut off debate on the pact, a majority strong enough to ensure that the New START treaty will get the two-thirds majority it needs for approval in the 100-member Senate. A final vote is expected Wednesday.

Eleven Republicans joined 54 Democrats and two independents to form the majority vote. Three Republicans and two Democrats didn't vote: Sens. Kit Bond, R-Mo.; Sam Brownback, R-Kan.; Judd Gregg, R-N.H.; Evan Bayh, D-Ind.; and Ron Wyden, D-Ore., who's undergoing treatment for cancer and isn't expected to make the final vote.


How the START weakens American defense, and benefits the following countries:


North Korea




Conservative Crosshairs
GOP Senators endangered on 2012

by Ed Kilgore

Republicans are poised to take over the U.S. Senate in 2012. This isn't contingent on a GOP presidential win, or even a particularly good campaign year, but rather on the extremely tilted Senate playing field created by the 2006 Democratic landslide. Yet, oddly, that is no comfort for many sitting Republican senators, who may face savage primary challenges if they are even perceived to slight the conservative base. Those with bulls-eyes on their backs presently include Dick Lugar of Indiana, Olympia Snowe of Maine, Orrin Hatch of Utah, Kay Bailey Hutchison of Texas, and John Ensign of Nevada—exactly half of the Republicans going before voters in 2012.
As we saw with the Tea Party revolt of 2010, this is hardly an idle concern. Conservatives successfully pushed Bob Bennett, Mike Castle, Lisa Murkowski, Arlen Specter, and Charlie Crist out of the party or out of the running—and forced “moderates” such as John McCain and Mark Kirk to flip-flop on issues like climate change and tack hard-right.
This year, the group of endangered senators is quite heterodox. Each can be said to represent a different grievance held by "true conservatives" against the Republican establishment:
The RINO: Olympia Snowe is the only genuine ideological turncoat here. She’s pro-choice, and at least somewhat supportive of gay-rights. She also broke with conservatives to bargain with the Obama administration on the economic stimulus legislation and then voted for it. There is zero question that conservatives, nationally and in her own state, would love to take her out. But do they have the power to do so? A September 2010 Public Policy Polling survey showed Maine Republicans would prefer a more conservative senator by a 63-29 margin, yet no one has yet identified a viable challenger. Snowe has also gained some protection on her right flank, by picking up an early re-election endorsement from Governor Paul LePage, who is close to Maine’s Tea Partiers but is also an old friend of Snowe’s family.
The Mandarin: Richard Lugar of Indiana has never been a favorite of conservatives, but in recent months, he’s really gone out of his way to invite a 2012 primary challenge—by refusing to sign onto an earmark ban; supporting the DREAM Act; and publicly suggesting that the GOP is moving too far to the right. The main reason conservatives would like his head on a pike, though, is that he is the last of the Republican foreign policy mandarins in the Senate. His championing of the new START treaty makes him a major enabler of the Obama administration in the eyes of both the neoconservative and Tea Party factions; and it may well be that the ghost of Jesse Helms returns to torment him. Already, Lugar has almost certainly drawn a 2012 primary opponent in State Senator Mike Delph. This year, conservatives understand they must unite around a single right-wing challenger, since divided opposition allowed another Indiana candidate—Senator Dan Coats—to sail past Tea Party opposition in 2010.
The Democrat-Lover: Utah’s Orrin Hatch was considered a right-wing zealot when he came to the Senate in 1976. Six terms later, conservatives tend to think of Hatch as a Fifth Columnist always ready to sell out "The Cause" if it means a chance to co-sponsor legislation with leading Democrats (his history of collaboration with Ted Kennedy remains a major sore point). Since it’s a taste for bipartisanship that sank Hatch’s Utah colleague Bob Bennett earlier this year, he has reason to worry, particularly given his state’s convention-based nominating process, which gives conservative activists extraordinary power (a poll of delegates to the April 2010 state convention that dumped Bennett showed only 19 percent favoring a seventh term for Hatch). Hatch is also pushing 80 years old, and could face an especially tough challenge from Congressman Jason Chaffetz. But unlike the rest of the names on the bulls-eye list, Hatch may still be able to defend himself by drawing upon his old, semi-dormant relationship with Utah's hard right.
The Tea Party Crasher: Texas’s Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison has been twisting in the political wind since the end of her disastrous primary challenge to Governor Rick Perry. Never popular with serious conservatives, and an outright enemy to the social conservatives who deplore her stubborn defense of legalized abortion, Hutchison chose the worst year imaginable to take on Perry, who fit easily into the mold of a Tea Party hero. She vacillated on whether she would give up her Senate seat to enter the gubernatorial race, which endeared her to no one, and then ran a bad campaign and lost. The biggest question is whether she decides to run again after a two-year hiatus; one possible challenger, Texas Railroad Commissioner Michael Williams, is a conservative favorite and—incidentally—African American.
The Sinner: John Ensign seemed well on his way to national conservative stardom, and possibly a presidential bid, when his world blew up with disclosure of a lurid and tangled series of misdeeds including an extramarital affair with a staff member, the payment of hush money, and potential violations of ethics rules and criminal statutes. Now that it appears Ensign will escape a trip to the hoosegow, he’s making noises about running for another term. But he doesn’t have the kind of standing—or for that matter, the money—to chase off primary challengers, who might include Congressman Dean Heller.
So the question is: What would be the implications of these primary challenges for the general election? In Maine, obviously, any Republican other than Olympia Snowe might easily lose. Nevada is expected to be a very competitive state, up and down the ballot, in 2012; and Democratic Congresswoman Shelley Berkely could make a Senate run. Indiana is a conservative state, but it did go for Obama in 2008 and it might be a problematic place to run a hard-right candidate. In Texas, if Hutchison loses her primary to a little-known conservative, or limps wounded into the general election, a challenge by Democrat John Sharp, a longtime statewide officeholder, might have a shot at succeeding. And in Utah, Congressman Jim Matheson could be competitive against Hatch or a more conservative youngster.
In other words, there is a substantial upside for Democrats if and when these challenges emerge. But the only sure thing is that the GOP Senate caucus will likely come out of 2012 more conservative than it came in, and that’s saying a lot. It could mark the year when the phrase “moderate Republican” is retired for good.




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